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The report concludes descriptive findings of the 2014 survey in new and old media uses and civic and political engagement and participatory practices of the Czech society. The data from 1998 respondents was collected in October and December 2014 by Median; the collection employed quota sampling and computer-assisted personal interviewing. The report is published in English and Czech version.

This book presents the research findings from a three-year project entitled "New and old media in everyday life : media audiences in the time of transformational media usage." Utilizing qualitative and quantitative insights and drawing upon Anthony Giddens' Theory of Structuration, the author identifies four primary dimensions to the evolving transformation of current Czech media audinces: (1) the dematerialization of media content linked with the increased fragmentation of media-related practices as well as transformin relations between audiences and media producers, (2) the increasing mediatization of everyday life and social interactions, (3) notable shifts in audiences' attitude toward shared public and political spheres and (4) a spatiotemporal transformation of everyday life

The global reach of online platforms and services as well as the globally synchronized flows of audiovisual content might suggest that the global media market is now fully integrated. This book argues contrariwise that the global digital market is far from united and that national borders, center-periphery hierarchies and differences in scale still matter, and perhaps they matter even more than in the analog broadcast era.

After a long history, research on the relation between participative and communicative practices was revived in the late 1990s because of the proliferation of new media. New studies have taken into account both online and offline participation and the ability of new media to provide citizens with easier access to information and a broader repertoire of actions. In this article, which is based on a representative survey of the adult Czech population and a survey of Czech adolescents, we address participative and communicative practices as intertwined sets that are typically preferred by certain groups of citizens. As media-related and political practices usually vary due to generational and historical experience, the aim is to discover whether people with similar generational backgrounds and with similar repertoires of action manifest similar sets of commu- nication practices, i.e. similar media ensembles. Hence, we build this study on the assumption that the politi- cal- and media-related agencies are structured by historical experience as well as by biographical experience linked with life-cycle phases. Using cluster analysis, we focus on the various participative and communicative practices employed by three distinct adult generational groups and by contemporary adolescents, all of whom experienced the process of socialization in their own specific historical contexts.

The report concludes descriptive findings of survey in Czech media audiences. The data from 1998 respondents was collected in October and December 2014 by Median; the collection employed quota sampling and computer-assisted personal interviewing. Besides the standard socio-demographic indicators, the questionnaire included questions regarding the full range of possible media-related practices including obtaining and reception of films, TV series and other TV content, news, sports, music, books, magazines and spoken word; online activities and use of social networking sites; playing computer- and videogames; ownership of media and computer technologies and access to the Internet; respondents' political and public activities. The report is published in Czech and English version.

The paper presents a case study of the Czech online activist group Žít Brno. The group that challenges local representatives and employs tactics of political satire, parody and culture jamming, evolved from a spontaneous one-off event to an ongoing political project and eventually became an institutionalized political actor. The case study, based on interviews with group members, content analysis of the project website, longitudinal observation of the group's activities and other additional material, enables us to research the limits and the potential of online tactics and the way online practices are intertwined with a more traditional repertoire of collective action. Building on debates about online political participation and the broadening concept of the political, we interpret the group's protest as a reaction to the crisis of institutionalized local politics and we discuss the actual role of new media in such a protest. The conclusion is that online protest and new media, despite their criticized action-less character, could enable a functional bridge to "real" politics but at the same time they do not play an exclusive role in successful protest politics and have to be interpreted within the context of a particular political action.

This exploratory paper applying cross-cultural and developmental perspective analyses and discusses trust in alternative media and its relation to trust in professional media, seeking to identify the national specifics of media trust and its developmental patterns. Employing 2016 survey data of Czech, Estonian and Greek youth (aged 14–25, N = 3654) collected as part of the international CATCH-EyoU project (Horizon 2020), the study outlines the typology of media trust, comprising trust in alternative and professional media, and compares social and political predictors influencing media trust in the three countries. The study illustrates the diversity of relations between the two types of media trust, concluding that differences in selected predictors of media trust and the distribution of media trust types across national sub-samples illuminate the strong role national context plays, illustrating the varying pathways development of media trust follows in these varied contexts along socioeconomic and cultural lines.

This article introduces and validates a Political Antagonism Scale (PAS) aimed at capturing politically motivated antagonism among people in survey research. Recent trends indicate a rise in politically motivated polarization across various countries. This polarization often transcends mere ideological distance, fostering an identity-based "Us" versus "Them" political perspective. Consequently, this transforms the traditional agonistic political competition into a deeply adversarial antagonistic relationship, wherein political counterparts are viewed as enemies. Such conflict dynamics may have serious consequences for democratic politics and should be examined by scholars of political polarization across different political contexts and at different time points. However, a comprehensive survey tool addressing this form of polarization has been lacking. The PAS is designed to capture the complex nature of political antagonism and target individual antagonization towards their political outgroups on the level of social groups, political elites, the media, and everyday life. In addition, we present a regression model identifying potential sources of political antagonism. Our findings highlight the significant association between political antagonization and a prevailing sense of ontological insecurity.

This is the editorial of "Sociální studia / Social Studies" special issue focused on CATCH-EyoU project, funded by the European Union, Horizon 2020 Programme, Grant Agreement No 649538

In the poster we summarize the main results of the research on the EU news media landscape. It looked for similarities and differences in the coverage of European affairs across 7 different countries and 14 different national media outlets in 4 periods in 2014 and 2015. Three questions have been crucial: 1. Do national media show interest in European Affairs? 2. How and on which issues do they talk about European Union? 3. How and on which issues do they talk about European Union? Media coverage of European issues tends to be cyclical and to peak during events that national journalism sees as characterized by a specific European dimension. The debate on refugee and, more in general, the so- called "migration crisis" or "refugee crisis" is the most prevalent and spatially universal theme dominating the samples collected from 2015. Youth are only rarely mentioned in connection with European affairs, and their presence is associated only to a limited variety of issues, like education and unemployment. Thus even when rarely evoked as voters, they are considered "bad voters", under the influence of extreme populism. Youth-oriented media such as the hybrid journalism of VICE (examined in six of its national-language websites), together with the television and radio programs selected by each national team, provide a very different picture of young people: (a) an unrecognized collective force, especially in relation to new technologies and innovation, entrepreneurship and start-ups; (b) growing disenfranchised from and disillusioned with mainstream politics but interested in other forms of participation (i.e. protest and dissent actions; volunteering); (c) generally interested in environmental and cultural issues and active within these realms, especially oriented towards music, cinema and arts; (d) a global (or rather glocal) community of workers, consumers and travelers that goes beyond the European borders.

U članku predstavljamo kvalitativno istraživanje svakodnevne građanske prakse dijela Čeha, s posebnim naglaskom na ulogu novih medija. Temi smo pristupili tako da smo se orijentirali na sadržaj, a ne na medije. U fokusu našeg istraživanja jesu načini na koje su građanske prakse strukturirane u užem i širem društvenom i političkom kontekstu te kako te kontekste doživljavaju postsocijalistički građani iz sela i velikih gradova. Uzimajući u obzir navedene kontekste, analizirali smo ulogu novih medija i građanske prakse u svakodnevnom životu. Istraživanje se temelji na polustrukturiranim dubinskim intervjuima s 22 politički i javno aktivna građanina, a pokazalo je da se Česi suočavaju sa sličnom krizom u institucionalnoj politici kao što je to slučaj i u starijim demokracijama. Istraživanje je također otkrilo razlike u načinu informiranja između sela i gradova, kako u participacijskim praksama tako i u načinima kako građani koriste nove medije. Međutim, istraživanje nije dokazalo da su novi mediji radikalno transformirali građanstvo, već je pokazalo da je došlo do suptilnih pomaka u praksi i do pragmatičnog miješanja komunikacije licem u lice i tradicionalnih medija (tiskani mediji, sustavi razglasa, oglasne ploče) s novim komunikacijskim tehnologijama. ; The article discusses qualitative research on the mundane civic practices of some Czechs, with a specific focus on the role of new media. It works with a context-oriented approach in order to avoid media-centrism. Our research is focussed on the ways in which civic practices are structured by immediate and wider social and political contexts and how they are experienced by post-socialist citizens from villages and large cities. The role of new media and the place of civic practices in everyday life is analysed with respect to these contexts. The research based on semi-structured in-depth interviews with 22 politically and publicly active citizens indicates that Czechs experience a similar crisis in relation to institutional politics as their counterparts in long established democracies and it reveals tell-tale differences between the social spaces of villages and cities both in participatory practices and in civic uses of new media. However, the study does not indicate a radical, new media-driven transformation of citizenship, rather it suggests subtle shifts in practices and a pragmatic mixing of face-to-face communication and traditional media (print, public address systems, noticeboards) with new communication technologies.

This is an open access book. Media industry research and EU policymaking are predominantly tailored to large (and, in the latter case, Western) European markets. This open access book addresses the specific qualities of smaller media markets, highlighting their vulnerability to global digital competition and outlining survival strategies for them. New online distribution models and new trends in the consumption of audiovisual content are limited by, and pose new challenges for, existing audiovisual business models and their legal framework in the EU. The European Commission's Digital Single Market (DSM) strategy, which was intended e.g. to remove obstacles to the cross-border distribution of audiovisual content, has triggered a heated debate on the transformation of the existing ecosystem for European screen industries. While most current discussions focus on the United States, Western Europe, and the multinational giants, this book approaches these industry trends and policy questions from the perspective of relatively small and peripheral (in terms of their population, language, cross-border cultural flows, and financial and/or symbolic capital) media markets.

Existing research indicates that people with populist attitudes express lower trust in media, especially in Public Service Media. It is assumed that these people are alienated because of their values: populist ideology stems from anti-pluralism whereas Public Service Media promotes pluralism. This study tests this assumption by comparing the predictors of trust in Public Service Media between the populist party sympathizers and the sympathizers of other political parties in the Czech Republic. Two main expectations were included as predictors for trust in Public Service Media, specifically that media should conform to one's worldview (i.e., the cohesive dimension of trust in media) and that media should adhere to the normative standards of journalism (i.e., the normative dimension of trust in media). Using multigroup structural equation modeling, the study analyzes data from a 2019–2020 representative survey of the adult Czech population ( N  =  3,251). The results suggest that, for the populist party sympathizers, trust in Public Service Media links only to their expectation that media should conform to their worldview, while the sympathizers of other political parties expect normative standards to be maintained. This is interpreted and discussed as support for the assumption that this value-based mismatch links to the populist audience members' lower trust in Public Service Media.

This paper presents an exploratory typological analysis of young people (aged 15–30) as political and civic actors in Estonia and the Czech Republic. We compare youth civic engagement patterns in these two East European countries, sharing similar socio-historical contexts, and analyse the sociodemographic and attitudinal profiles of the resulting participation types. The study draws on Estonian and Czech data sets collected from November to December 2016 within the Horizon 2020 project CATCH-EyoU – Constructing AcTive CitizensHip with European Youth: Policies, Practices, Challenges and Solutions. Two independent methods (latent class analysis and cluster analysis) demonstrated shared patterns in the political and civic activities employed by the Estonian and Czech participants, suggesting the existence of four clearly distinguishable types of young citizens. A more detailed analysis revealed that the socio-demographic and attitudinal profiles of active young people, and therefore, the factors of political socialization, differed quite substantially in the two countries

This paper presents an exploratory typological analysis of young people (aged 15–30)as political and civic actors in Estonia and the Czech Republic. We compare youth civic engagement patternsin these two East European countries, sharing similar socio-historical contexts, and analyse the sociodemographicand attitudinal profiles of the resulting participation types. The study draws on Estonianand Czech data sets collected from November to December 2016 within the Horizon 2020 project'CATCH-EyoU – Constructing AcTive CitizensHip with European Youth: Policies, Practices, Challengesand Solutions'. Two independent methods (latent class analysis and cluster analysis) demonstrated sharedpatterns in the political and civic activities employed by the Estonian and Czech participants, suggestingthe existence of four clearly distinguishable types of young citizens. A more detailed analysis revealed thatthe socio-demographic and attitudinal profiles of active young people, and therefore, the factors of politicalsocialization, differed quite substantially in the two countries.